9/11

Researchers have identified health implications of religiosity and spirituality but have rarely addressed differences between these dimensions. The associations of religiosity and spirituality with physical and mental health were examined in a national sample (N = 890) after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks (9/11). Health information was collected before 9/11 and health, religiosity, and spirituality were assessed longitudinally during six waves of data collection over the next 3 years.

 Approximately 2 weeks after September 11th, adolescents from a national sample of households who were indirectly exposed to the terrorist attacks through the media completed a Web-based survey that assessed event-related acute stress symptoms. One year later, these adolescents (N = 142) and a randomly selected parent from their household completed a second survey.

 A longitudinal investigation of psychological responses to the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks was conducted on a U.S. national probability sample. Using an anonymous Web-based survey methodology, data were collected among over 1,900 adults at 2 weeks and 12 months post-9/11 to consider whether direct and proximal exposure were necessary preconditions for high levels of acute and posttraumatic stress symptoms, and whether greater exposure/proximity led to greater traumatic stress symptoms.

 We conducted a three-year longitudinal study of the mental and physical health of a national probability sample following the September 11th terrorist attacks. Adjustment over the three years following the attacks was associated with higher levels of future-oriented thinking and lower levels of fear about future terrorism (as measured 1, 2, and 3 years post-9/11), even after adjusting for demographics, lifetime trauma, pre-9/11 mental and physical health, and 9/11-related exposure.

This study examined adolescents’ adjustment following the attacks of September 11, 2001 (9/11).
A Web-based survey was administered 2 weeks and 7 months postattacks to a national sample of
adolescents (N =104). A randomly selected parent also completed a survey at the 7-month assessment.
Although exposure to the attacks was indirect, over half the participants felt threatened. Adolescents’
posttraumatic stress symptoms were associated with their acute stress symptoms, parental distress, parental

The authors conducted confirmatory factor analyses of reports of posttraumatic stress reactions using a national probability sample of individuals indirectly exposed to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 (n = 675). Reactions at three time points in the year after the attacks were best accounted for by a lower-order, 4-factor solution (Reexperiencing, Strategic Avoidance, Emotional Numbing, and Hyperarousal Symptoms). Indirect exposure to a traumatic event appears to induce a response with a similar symptom structure as responses to direct exposure.

The ability to make sense of events in one's life has held a central role in theories of adaptation to adversity. However, there are few rigorous studies on the role of meaning in adjustment, and those that have been conducted have focused predominantly on direct personal trauma. The authors examined the predictors and long-term consequences of Americans' searching for and finding meaning in a widespread cultural upheaval--the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001--among a national probability sample of U.S. adults (N=931).

Individuals frequently perceive positive changes in themselves following adversity; after a collective trauma, they may perceive such benefits in others or in their society as well. We examined perceived benefits of the September 11, 2001 (9/11) terrorist attacks in a 3-year study of a national sample of adults (N = 1382). Many individuals (57.8%) perceived social benefits of 9/11, including increased prosocial behavior, religiousness, or political engagement.